"GENERAL ELECTIONS 2009 & ELECTORAL REFORMS"
ADDRESS BY
THE FORMER CHIEF ELECTION COMMISSIONER OF INDIA,
ORGANISED BY UNIVERSITY OF KASHMIR AND UNESCO
MADANJEET SINGH INSTITUTE FOR KASHMIR STUDIES
AT UNIVERSITY CAMPUS, SRINAGAR (24.09.2012)
THE 2009 GENERAL ELECTION – ITS CHALLENGES AND
OPPORTUNITIES
The Election Commission of India (ECI) is a
constitutional body vested with the responsibilities of
superintendence, direction and control of conduct of elections.
It consists of a Chief Election Commissioner and two Election
Commissioners. The ECs and the CEC are appointed by the
President on the advice of the Council of Ministers. They are
accorded the rank of an incumbent Judge of the Supreme
Court
The ECI has comparatively a small secretariat consisting
of about 300 officers and staff, in all headed by three Deputy
Election Commissioners who are seconded senior civil
servants. It is represented in the States again by a small
office, under a Chief Electoral Officer (CEO). Therefore, the
Commission is a lean organisation and has limited staff on a
permanent basis. However, during elections State officials are
taken on deputation to the Commission for conduct of
elections on a temporary basis. However, at that point, they
are under the discipline and control of the Commission.
The Commission conducts the elections to the office of
the President and Vice-President, the Rajya Sabha and the Lok
Sabha. The Commission derives its authority from the
Constitution. It has the power to register and recognize
political parties, and it adjudicates on the disqualification of
elected members. In discharge of its functions, it is
independent of the executive. Though appointed by the
Government, once appointed, the CEC cannot be removed
without a cumbersome impeachment procedure. Nor can the
terms of the office be modified to the disadvantage of the
incumbent. The Commission intends to reiterate its pending
proposal to Government, that the terms of removal of the two
Election Commissioners are made the same as those of the
Chief Election Commissioner. The Commission is free and
indeed is the sole authority to decide the timings of the
elections. Once the election process is set in motion by the
Commission, the Courts do not interfere with the conduct of
elections. Any dispute resolution, till such time as the
elections are over, lies with the Commission. However, once
the elections are over, the higher courts have the power to
entertain election petitions filed by aggrieved parties
(candidates) against each other. Normally the Commission or
its officials cannot be made party in these cases. Over the
years, the ECI has earned the credibility and respect of all
stakeholders through impartial, free and fair conduct of
parliamentary and state assembly elections conducted on time
and successively over the years. Even the Courts, in various
pronouncements, have upheld the actions initiated by the
Commission to cleanse the electoral system of violence, 'booth
capturing' and other undue attempts to influence voters and
the polls.
All the votes cast are counted on one single day. In the
case of the General Election, 2009, three days after the last
phase of polling on 13th May, 2009, the results were
announced on the same day, i.e., 16th May, 2009. The formal
presentation to the President of India of the results was made
at the promised time of 06:30 p.m. on 18th May. The General
Elections, 2009 to the Lok Sabha, recently concluded, has
been generally hailed as a thoroughly successful election both
by victor and vanquished and indeed by many as well as in
influential sections of the national and international press.
I want to say a little about the preparation of the electoral
rolls for this election. The fidelity of electoral rolls is the
fundamental prerequisite for a free and fair election. An imperfect
roll provides scope for both complaint and impersonation and has
been a major challenge facing all Election Commissions. The ECI
revises the electoral rolls every year but aware that the General
Elections 2009 were due, the Commission started a special drive
to cleanse the electoral roll (for elections 2009) as early as 2008
itself. In early 2008, the ECI convened a conference of all its
Chief Electoral Officers (CEOs) each representing each State and
Union Territory of the country – all handpicked officers chosen for
their integrity. In the conference it was inter alia decided to hold
the 2009 elections on photo-electoral rolls and all the CEOs were
assigned the task to prepare and publish photo-electoral rolls for
2008 so that even in case of early elections, the 2009 elections
could be held on photo-rolls. Thus began a major preparatory
exercise of cleansing the rolls of the names of the dead voters,
duplicate names as well as those persons why may have shifted
from one address to another, while enlisting all new eligible voters
including 18 years olds, and inserting photographs against voter
details. For each polling station of upto 1500 voters, specific
officers were identified called Booth Level Officers (BLOs). Their
task was to verify the rolls by door-to-door visits and to include
the left-out but eligible electors and at the same time to remove
the dead or shifted voters names. The cooperation of political
parties was an essential, indeed vital, component, and there help
was also enlisted in the process. They were requested to appoint a
counterpart representative for each polling station called Booth
Level Agents (BLAs) to interact with BLOs to further ensure that
all eligible persons were enlisted, and that names were not deleted
wrongfully or inadvertently. In our experience, some, (especially
the larger parties) were able to appoint BLAs, but some smaller
parties were not. This intensive work was repeated in 2009
January-February and the rolls further improved. On the
completion of this massive exercise, 7.6 million new voters were
registered and about 1.2 million names were deleted. The
overall registered voters' number rose to 716 million (from 671
million in 2004). The presence of the photograph on the electoral
rolls itself further facilitated the identity of voters at polling
stations and helped preclude impersonation. As a result of the
special campaign, India, for the first time, witnessed a national
general election with photo-electoral rolls. 585 million (about
82%) of the Indian electorate had his/her image on the photo-roll
itself. Because of this massive exercise, there were far fewer
complaints on the grounds of missing or wrong inclusions. This
also contributed to the 2009 elections being hailed with a sense of
general satisfaction.
THE ELECTION SCHEDULE
As the term of the 14th Lok Sabha (The House of the People in
the Parliament or Lower House) was to expire in the normal course
on 1st June, 2009, in terms of the constitutional provisions, a new
Lok Sabha was required to be constituted before the 2nd June,
2009. Though the deadline for delivering elections was known, the
exact schedule of election is always drawn up by the Election
Commission of India independently, with no consultation
whatsoever with the Executive, and after taking inputs on various
aspects that the Commission believes to be relevant. This is to
ensure a level playing field and deny any undue advantage to the
party in power. Designing a schedule and phasing options for a
countrywide election in India is in itself an intense management
exercise. It involves taking into account the schedules of school
examinations in various parts of the country to avoid holding
elections during the examination periods. In a plural society every
festival and associated holidays needed to be factored in; the
harvest season in certain parts of the country was kept in mind
and the weathermen needed to be consulted with reference to
onset of the monsoons or snow in higher mountain reaches. The
conduct of elections in the entire country also requires the
mobilization of police forces, including both Central and State
Police Forces. Mobilization, movement, deployment and
disengagement of these police forces itself involved a complex
exercise and very detailed logistics. Finally, the Commission
decided on a schedule for the General Election, 2009 to be
conducted in five phases, the first poll day being 16.04.09 and the
last poll day being 13.05.09. As the movement of police forces
from one phase to another involved long distances, a 28 days gap
between the first poll day and the last poll day became inevitable.
The counting of votes was scheduled to be done on a single day for
the whole country, on 16.05.09. There was a feeling in a section
of media and stakeholders that the duration of the election could
be shorter. The Commission was acutely conscious of this, but
had to balance multiple needs. The need for keeping the election
duration as short as possible, while simultaneously needing to
factor in geography, climate, special needs of some States,
prevailing law and order issues, intense political rivalries in some
areas were among a host of issues taken into account. What was
non-negotiable however was the commitment to deliver a free and
fair election in the country.
THE VITAL STATISTICS
For the sake of record, allow me to recapture some of the
data much of it already reported in the media. For the GE 2009, as
many as 714 million voters were enrolled; of these 82% or almost
580 million voters were equipped with a photo identity card which
we call the 'EPIC'. 8,34,944 polling stations were established; 1.18
million Electronic Voting Machines mobilized; over 11 million
personnel deployed on election duty which included about 8
million civilian staff and 3 million Central and State police forces.
But, what is perhaps equally important is that the merit of the
Indian electoral system was not sought solely to be built on these
numbers, but rather on the value attached to each vote, and the
effort taken to ensure that as far as possible every voter could be
reached, however remotely placed he or she was. A Polling Station
was set up for a single voter deep in the Gir Forest of Gujarat
where 2 poll personnel were deputed to facilitate this lone voter to
exercise his franchise. Again there was a polling station located at
15,300 ft. in the Zanskar parliamentary constituency of the
Ladakh region of the State of Jammu & Kashmir. The
Commission celebrated the audacity, grit and commitment of 12
men including polling staff, satellite telephone operators and
porters, who dared to trek in knee deep snow to cross a pass at
16,500 ft. before they could descend to reach two inhospitable
polling stations located at more than 13,500 ft., an arduous trek
that covered 45 kilometers, which enabled 37 voters to exercise
their democratic right that we could well describe as the 'height of
democracy'! At the first polling station Phema, all 14 voters
chose to exercise their franchise; at the second five kilometers
distant, Ralankung, 22 out of 23 voters chose to vote; one chose
to abstain! In a remarkable and pragmatic departure from the
routine, the Election Commission used its plenary powers to order
counting of votes of both polling stations there itself. The results
were communicated by satellite telephone, as the return journey of
the polling staff would have taken another three days, which
would have delayed the announcement of the final results. But
while these two polling stations were the last two polling stations
in the country to vote, we ensured that they were counted first.
This is but another example of the strength of the election
managers, and the ability to walk the last mile even under trying
circumstances.
THE POLL
By May 2009, it was already a grueling summer, and the
mercury had shot up. The media wrote that voter turnout could
be adversely affected. The Commission did its best to mitigate the
situation by making provision for drinking water at polling
stations as also providing some sort of shade wherever possible.
As innumerable photographs were to testify, voters, men and
women, young and old and the infirm alike, defied the scorching
sun to notch up an impressive 58.2% turnout. The Election
Commission took some initiative to further mitigate inconvenience
to physically challenged voters. Ramps were universally provided
for the wheelchair bound, and Braille enabled EVMs were of help
to those visible challenged voters who were Braille literate and who
could and did vote independent of assistance. As in previous
elections, special mention needs be made about the voter turnout
in rural areas, which was more than in the urban areas. When
India attained freedom and drafted its 'Tryst with Destiny', many
questioned the Constitutional wisdom of giving universal adult
franchise to all Indians. India's literacy rate at that point of time
was at a dismal 16%. At that point of time there were established
democracies that were reluctant to give voting rights to women
and who had not addressed the issues of equality of citizenship
within their respective multicultural frameworks. Sixty years
later, we have reason to celebrate the vision of the framers of the
Indian Constitution, who had decided to take a quantum leap
forward.
While Election management bodies are not concerned about
electoral outcomes, stocktaking and introspection are inevitable
after the polls. We had approached this election in the
background of a somewhat difficult domestic, regional and indeed
global security context. The aftermath of the 26/11 Mumbai terror
strike, and continuing inputs about possible violence, disruptions
and attempts at derailing the poll process, were factors that
needed to be built into the electoral planning canvas. Within the
country were elements who stood for the very antithesis of any
democratic exercise. These factors resulted in detailed planning of
precautionary security placements. India has often been described
in sub-continental terms, which in turn led to detailed planning,
with the district and Parliamentary Constituencies as units, (there
are 626 districts in the country and 543 Parliamentary
Constituencies) as the focus of micro-management. If the GE
2009 has been recognized as peaceful and successful, it was
largely because it was tackled as a huge management project as it
were. Allow me to provide some details of the innovative
management initiatives taken during recent years. This was not
the result of a one-off exercise, nor did it happen overnight. Some
of the best practices that were employed during the recent general
elections had been tried and tested and improved upon
particularly over the last decade through GE 2004 to elections to
various legislative assemblies of the States, various bye-elections
between GE 2004 and GE 2009. Many of these were thus tried
and tested methods, scaled up for country wide application. As
before there continued to be innovations as well. Briefly some of
the initiatives are detailed below:
NEW INITIATIVES:
INITIATIVE 1:
BOOTH LEVEL OFFICER (BLO) SYSTEM
Ensuring the fidelity of electoral rolls is universally
recognized as the first and foremost step towards a free and fair
poll process. The Commission continued to hold that if it could not
get the rolls right, it could not get the polls right. India is a vast
country with a population of a billion plus. There is tremendous
amount of inter-city, intra-state and inter-state movement of
people in search of livelihood options. This has resulted in millions
of names of shifted voters being found in the electoral rolls of any
given constituency at any given point of time. In India, the
electoral rolls are revised annually. Nevertheless, the
accumulation of the names of dead, shifted and absentee voters
was all along affecting the fidelity of the electoral rolls. Lack of
fidelity is often a recipe for impersonation and other electoral
malpractices. There have been occasions where the victory of a
candidate has been decided by a razor thin margin of a single vote.
In such a situation any scope for impersonation would amount to
leaving an inherent weakness that could affect the very fairness of
the poll.
The Booth Level Officer is a Government functionary given the
task of handling between 1000-1500 voters that 'belong' to a
particular polling station or booth, and is responsible for the
veracity of the electoral roll pertaining to that geographical entity.
The genesis of the BLO system can be traced to a small initiative
in the eastern State of Orissa during the 2004 General Elections.
A larger application was made during the 2006 Elections to the
State of West Bengal, and again during 2007 Elections in Uttar
Pradesh, India's largest State. Having tested the efficacy of the
system, the Commission implemented it in the entire country for
preparation of the rolls for the 2009 General Elections. The BLO
system provided for grass root level accountability for the
maintenance of the purity of the roll.
The efficacy of the BLO system which was introduced by the
Commission a few year back needs to be assessed in this context.
The practitioners of election management in India consider the
BLO system to be one of the most innovative interventions made
by the Election Commission in the management of electoral rolls
in the country. It is relevant to note that during GE 2009 India
switched over to a countrywide system of photo electoral rolls. The
photo images of about 82% of Indian voters (approx. 580 million
voters) have been printed on the electoral rolls for easy
identification and they have been issued with Electors Photo
Identification Card (EPIC). This is by no means a small enterprise.
Securing the photo images of all these voters and verifying the
details have been made possible largely due to the existence of the
BLO system. When the Commission recently insisted upon getting
a 'zero dead voter certificate' from each BLO in a particular State
with reference to a particular date, one of the BLO's actually
persisted with a data entry operator to delete the name of a voter
who had actually died earlier that very day. Such commitment in
the preparation of electoral rolls appears to have come a long way
from the days of finding decade old names of dead voters
persisting on the rolls.
INITIATIVE 2:
VULNERABILITY MAPPING
India is a caste based society. The traditional social
hierarchy, based on caste identities is still relevant in rural areas.
The threat and intimidation to voters of marginalized and
vulnerable communities and voter segments by dominant groups
had been identified as a factor that could affect the free and fair
poll process in certain parts of the country. In the past such
incidents went either unreported or were taken to be part of the
'usual' poll related intimidation, rather than being diagnosed as a
pre-existing socio-economic vulnerability for which an institutional
response could be designed. The Election Commission of India, for
the first time, initiated the concept of 'vulnerability mapping' and
through a transparent process identified such villages and
hamlets that could be vulnerable to intimidation overt or silent. It
also identified potential troublemakers who could pose a threat to
a free and fair poll process in the locality. Potential 'intimidators'
were identified across the country, and action under preventive
sections of the law was initiated against potential troublemakers
individually. This created a great deterrence on poll day. During
GE 2009, as many as 86,782 villages/hamlets were identified as
'vulnerable' and 3,73,886 persons were identified as potential
troublemakers and preventive measures were taken against them
to 'bind them down'. This exercise was ensured in a transparent
and participatory manner involving the local officials, observers
and other stakeholders; as a result there were no complaints
about any partisan misuse of vulnerability mapping for narrow
political ends. The Commission kept a hawk-eyed vigil, so that the
core objective of the vulnerability mapping was achieved.
INITIATIVE 3:
COMMUNICATION FOR ELECTION TRACKING (COMET)
An efficient election management is about managing
information and ensuring mid-course interventions and
corrections. Today India has one of the fastest growing mobile
network markets. The mobile reach has improved tremendously in
recent years. It is estimated that over 60% of the country is
covered by mobile connectivity, a quantum leap since the 2004
Parliamentary election. The Election Commission as a constantly
innovating institution took the initiative to try to reach out to every
polling station in the country, using one or other multimode
communication tool. A systematic mapping of communication
assets and resources was done with reference to every polling
station. Mobile connectivity, landline phones, high frequency (HF)
and very high frequency (VHF) communication equipment, and
satellite phones were used in the process. Where none of these
worked (as in high mountain areas or deep forests), dedicated
“runners” were identified to track remote polling stations. Through
this system almost all polling stations could be contacted by
supervising officials, and different layers of tracking hierarchy
were predetermined for each location. To drive home the
seriousness to be attached to this initiative, the Commission
ordered the conduct of two 'dry runs' to validate the numbers,
connectivity and efficacy. COMET created a huge psychological
presence of the Commission and ensured an extended vigil even in
the remotest of locations.
LOGISTICS
The challenges involved in managing logistics for the conduct
of nation-wide elections were many. Ensuring the timely
movement of Central Police Forces from one state to another state
on time involved the most detailed planning and monitoring. For
the movement of Central Police Forces alone, the Railway Board
organized 119 special trains and employed as many as 3060
coaches. 6800 policemen had to be specially airlifted, over-flying
Bangladesh, and Indian Air Force places and were hired as were
chartered planes from Air India, to maintain the time-schedule for
elections in diverse States. As an unusually large numbers of
candidates were in fray this time, in many constituencies
additional ballot-units of EVM needed to be deployed to meet a
possible emergent need. This then called for the most acute
rationalization of use of reserve EVMs and the most detailed plan
for the mobilization of surpluses for transporting them to deficit
areas. Transporting approximately 2 million polling personnel,
supervisory and supporting staff and police personnel to polling
stations on each one of the five polling days, transporting of
Electronic Voting Machine and other polling materials, tracking
the movement till they came back to the strong rooms where the
EVMs had to be stored till the counting day, were exercises which
had to be done with reference to each polling station in the
country. Logistically, even the most difficult and troublesome
movements and interventions came under the direct radar of the
Election Commission. In fact, the trekking by 12 polling men and
porters to reach the glacier bound areas of Zanskar were tracked
by the Election Commission Headquarters as closely as was done
by the control rooms at the District and State levels. In fact, the
Commission could have been more casual, for in a Parliamentary
election as few as 37 votes in the normal course would not have
made much difference. But the spirit that pervaded the
Commission was that from Kashmir in the North to Kanyakumari
in India's deepest South, each vote did matter, and the effort put
in was more than worthwhile.
MICRO MANAGEMENT PRINCIPLES
Over the last decade or so, there has been a paradigm shift in
managing elections in India, with the singular aim of improving
the quality of election management. A number of reasons can be
attributed to this shift towards micro managing the elections. The
challenges involved in delivering a credible election have grown in
complexity; the presence of the print and electronic media has
increased tremendously, resulting in increased voter awareness;
the expectation levels among the Indian voters and other
stakeholders have substantially increased, while improvements in
communication has empowered citizens to reach out seamlessly
with their complaints and feedback at any time. The improved
technology in turn has also provided additional scope for constant
monitoring and concurrent interventions on the part of election
managers. In recent years, India has witnessed a series of General
Elections to Legislative Assemblies of various States, almost each
of which was hailed as a watershed election. Each election was
creating a new benchmark, and further generating the need for
excellence. The lessons from each election were internalized and
carried forward for further fine-tuning for the next. The 2005
Bihar elections provided some valuable insights; the 2006 West
Bengal election witnessed innovative methods and techniques
aimed at complaint-free elections, with many proactive measures
tried out to reduce the scope for complaints; the 2007 Uttar
Pradesh election received wholesome praise and was widely hailed
in the country as a watershed election. The BLO system which
was experimented in West Bengal had been further fine-tuned,
and the new technique of 'vulnerability mapping' was
experimented on for the first time in the history of election
management in India. As new methods were adopted, the bar was
also being raised. Increasingly the Commission was becoming
aware that during national elections, the deployment of Central
Police Forces which was considered an essential part of effective
election management, would suffer limitations, because the
available Central Police Forces would necessarily have to be
distributed over a much larger area i.e. the whole country, rather
than just a State or two. Hence, the Commission, keeping the
requirements of 2009 General Election in mind, began to consider
well in advance the need for 'non-force' measures which while
reducing dependence on security forces, would address
transparency concerns. Looking back and taking stock, we feel
some of these non-force measures helped most abundantly in the
smooth conduct of elections.
OBSERVATION MECHANISM
India has a unique election observation mechanism. While
India welcomes the keen visitor who would like to witness Indian
elections, and foreign diplomats do visit States and areas of their
choice, the task of observing the elections and giving concurrent
feedback to the Commission is left to the Election Commission
Observers, who were drawn from the All India Civil Services,
mostly from the Indian Administrative Service. As these officers
themselves have sufficient experience in election related matters,
they function effectively as the eyes and ears of the Commission,
while also offering valuable guidance to field functionaries. This
home grown observation-mechanism has done well in India as
evidenced by the constant demand from opposition parties for
increased numbers of such observers. The Commission however
felt the acute limitation on numbers. During GE 2009 more than
2000 Observers were deployed for monitoring not only the
campaign process but also election expenditure by candidates, poll
day events, post-poll document verification and finally the
counting process. With a view to strengthen this observation
mechanism during 2007 Uttar Pradesh elections, the Commission
had also experimented with the concept of 'Micro-observers', on a
somewhat limited scale. The micro-observers drawn from the staff
of the Union Government, and are not State Government
functionaries. They were posted by the Commission at select
polling stations often considered 'sensitive', for monitoring the
election process from within the booth itself. As the choice of the
polling stations for such deployment of micro-observer was and is
made by the constituency Observer (and not the district officials)
there is a tremendous amount of objectivity in the process. This
method was further fine tuned and extensively used in subsequent
General Elections in Gujarat, Karnataka and other States. By the
time we approached the GE 2009, the concept of micro-observer
had taken firm root. During GE 2009 the Commission deployed as
many as 1,40,000 micro-observers, who were positioned inside
„vulnerable? polling stations or looked after two or three polling
stations at a single location, all of which added tremendously to
the confidence of candidates, particularly those belonging to
opposition or smaller parties.
Apart from this the Commission made effective use of video
cameras and digital cameras to document segments of the
campaign process, poll day events and other critical events
associated with the election process. During GE 2009, 74,729
video cameras and 40,599 digital cameras were used for this
purpose. The use of these cameras, serving as eyes and ears of
the Commission as it were, were extremely useful in ensuring that
the Model Code of Conduct was adhered to by the participants.
Their deployment again was made purely by the Observers, except
where their use was made mandatory, when the District
functionaries were ordered to use them accounting to a predetermined
pattern.
QUICK GRIEVANCE REDRESSAL
Election Commission followed a micro management approach.
For the purpose, it deployed Observers and Micro-observers.
Observers are senior and tested officers of the premier civil
services of India, chosen by the ECI to be its eyes and ears
during the elections. They were deployed to specific
constituencies where they were stationed for a minimum of 3
weeks and reported on the 'happenings' directly to the
Commission and to our Control Room. The Commission took
action and gave further directions based on their reports.
Each Observer was provided with a list of junior government
officers of the federal government, available within his/her
allotted constituency for being handpicked and deployed as
Micro-Observer. The micro-observers are static observers on
the poll day inside the polling stations and ensure the sanctity
of poll process inside the polling stations. They report to the
Observers and are trained and oriented by the Observers for
the purpose. The institution of Micro-Observers is a new
innovation arising out of closer supervision of the poll process
inside a polling station and to provide the Observers with
extended reach on the poll day. For the General Election,
2009, 2000+ Observers and 150,000 Micro-observers were
deployed, directly reporting to the Commission and to our
control room 24 X 7 from the field. They were positioned from
the last date of nomination till the polls were over (and then
again on the counting day). They inquired into and reported
on the complaints to the Commission directly. They were the
eyes, ears and ambassadors of the Commission in the field.
Commission could effectively handle the pre-poll as well as the
poll day complaints very quickly and in a reliable manner
which enhanced people's belief in the Commission. A national
control room was set up, state level control rooms were set
up and through a communication network, each polling booth,
either through a landline or a mobile cell or wireless set or a
satellite phone and in extreme cases even through a „runner?
was networked to keep the Commission apprised, on a real
time basis, of the election related events at polling stations.
Each and any complaint was attended to without loss of time
which enhanced the credibility and effectiveness of the
Commission. Besides the Communication network, all this led
to commendation from all corners on the way the Commission
went about handling the task in a dispassionate professional
manner.
PARTNERSHIP WITH CIVIL SOCIETY
The Commission stretched itself to rope in and forge
partnership with reputed civil societies at every stage for
conduct of a free and fair poll. In roll preparation and creating
voter awareness NGOs (One billion votes campaign) as well as
Corporate Houses (Tata Tea) and Service Providers
(Googles.com) joined hands to assist the ECI's efforts.
National Election Watch, Association for Democratic Rights
and other state level Civil societies were motivated and
facilitated by the Commission to support and disseminate
Commission's works. Non-official election volunteers were
allowed to assist voters. All these were new initiatives which
created a new synergy for election delivery mechanism.
INCORPORATING THE DISENFRANCHISED
PROPOSED STEPS 1 :
At the Commission, we have of late made some special
efforts to make the electoral system more inclusive and
socially sensitive. Women, youth and socio-economically
deprived sections must get their due place in the election
process. Their active participation is a necessity to strengthen
democracy. The Commission is striving to realize this goal.
In the last few months, I have addressed students at a
number of campuses, when some of them suggested that the
eunuchs or transsexuals should have an independent identity
on the electoral rolls. Till now, they had to register either as
male or female. I believed the request to be quite legitimate
and it also related to the issue of individual freedom and was a
human rights issue. We examined the request in depth and
permitted the transgenders to register as 'Other' or 'O', if they
wanted so to a follow-up, the Commission revised the format
of the electoral rolls, modifying the column head to indicate
their sex as 'Other' where they do not want to be described as
male or female. Besides relevant forms used by the
Commission wherein there is a provisions of indication of sex
of the elector, IT based formats and website, have been
suitably amended. Necessary instructions have been issued to
all the concerned electoral registration authorities in the
country to give effect to the above decision of the Commission.
Enumerators and Booth Level Officers (BLOs) have been
instructed to indicate the sex of
eunuchs/transsexuals/transgenders as "O", if they so desire,
while undertaking any house-to-house
enumeration/verification of any application.